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chocolate-studded
发布时间：2023-03-19 03:38:23
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创意岭 阅读：
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问大家
大家好！今天让创意岭的小编来大家介绍下关于chocolate-studded的问题，以下是小编对此问题的归纳整理，让我们一起来看看吧。
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本文目录:
一、有关外语对英语的形成和发展的影响，请帮忙找找有关的资料啊，谢谢！
Considering that all new words generally start off as slang, no word really just enters the English language immediately, all words come from different languages. Here is a list of the most common foreign language influences in English, where other languages have influenced or contributed words to English
French words for the meat of an animal, noble words (this comes from the influence of the Norman language), words referring to food - e.g. au gratin. Nearly 30% of English words (in an 80,000 word dictionary) may be of French origin.
German: Main article: List of German expressions in English. Some words relating to the First World War and the Second World War, e.g. Blitz. And some food terms, such as wurst, Hamburger and Frankfurter. Also: wanderlust, schadenfreude, zeitgeist, kaputt, kindergarten, autobahn, rucksack.
Scandinavian languages such as Old Norse - words such as sky and troll or, more recently, geysir.
Dutch - words relating to sailing, e.g. skipper, keel etc., and civil engineering, such as dam, polder, &c.
Latin words, technical or biological names, medical terminology, legal terminology. See also: Latin influence in English
Greek words - medical terminology (like for instance phobias and ologies)
Spanish - words relating to Spanish culture - for example paella, siesta, plaza, etc.
Italian - words relating to music, piano, fortissimo. Or Italian culture, such as piazza, pizza, gondola, etc. Also: balcony. Also: Fascism
Nahuatl - tomato, coyote, chocolate
Afrikaans - apartheid, trek.
Russian - words relating to the Cold War and the aftermath (glasnost), and also words relating to Russian culture, such as Cossack or Baboeschka.
Indian - words relating to culture, originating from the colonial era, e.g.: pyjamas, bungalow, verandah, jungle and curry. Also: shampoo, khaki.
[edit]
See also
Lists of English words
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_language_influences_in_English
2.IX. How Languages Influence Each Other
LANGUAGES, like cultures, are rarely sufficient unto themselves. The necessities of intercourse bring the speakers of one language into direct or indirect contact with those of neighboring or culturally dominant languages. The intercourse may be friendly or hostile. It may move on the humdrum plane of business and trade relations or it may consist of a borrowing or interchange of spiritual goods—art, science, religion. It would be difficult to point to a completely isolated language or dialect, least of all among the primitive peoples. The tribe is often so small that intermarriages with alien tribes that speak other dialects or even totally unrelated languages are not uncommon. It may even be doubted whether intermarriage, intertribal trade, and general cultural interchanges are not of greater relative significance on primitive levels than on our own. Whatever the degree or nature of contact between neighboring peoples, it is generally sufficient to lead to some kind of linguistic interinfluencing. Frequently the influence runs heavily in one direction. The language of a people that is looked upon as a center of culture is naturally far more likely to exert an appreciable influence on other languages spoken in its vicinity than to be influenced by them. Chinese has flooded the vocabularies of Corean, Japanese, and Annamite for centuries, but has received nothing in return. In the western Europe of medieval and modern times French has exercised a similar, though probably a less overwhelming, influence. English borrowed an immense number of words from the French of the Norman invaders, later also from the court French of Isle de France, appropriated a certain number of affixed elements of derivational value (e.g., -ess of princess, -ard of drunkard, -ty of royalty), may have been somewhat stimulated in its general analytic drift by contact with French, 1 and even allowed French to modify its phonetic pattern slightly (e.g., initial v and j in words like veal and judge; in words of Anglo-Saxon origin v and j can only occur after vowels, e.g., over, hedge). But English has exerted practically no influence on French. 1
The simplest kind of influence that one language may exert on another is the “borrowing” of words. When there is cultural borrowing there is always the likelihood that the associated words may be borrowed too. When the early Germanic peoples of northern Europe first learned of wine-culture and of paved streets from their commercial or warlike contact with the Romans, it was only natural that they should adopt the Latin words for the strange beverage (vinum, English wine, German Wein) and the unfamiliar type of road (strata [via], English street, German Strasse). Later, when Christianity was introduced into England, a number of associated words, such as bishop and angel, found their way into English. And so the process has continued uninterruptedly down to the present day, each cultural wave bringing to the language a new deposit of loan-words. The careful study of such loan-words constitutes an interesting commentary on the history of culture. One can almost estimate the rôle which various peoples have played in the development and spread of cultural ideas by taking note of the extent to which their vocabularies have filtered into those of other peoples. When we realize that an educated Japanese can hardly frame a single literary sentence without the use of Chinese resources, that to this day Siamese and Burmese and Cambodgian bear the unmistakable imprint of the Sanskrit and Pali that came in with Hindu Buddhism centuries ago, or that whether we argue for or against the teaching of Latin and Greek our argument is sure to be studded with words that have come to us from Rome and Athens, we get some inkling of what early Chinese culture and Buddhism and classical Mediterranean civilization have meant in the world’s history. There are just five languages that have had an over-whelming significance as carriers of culture. They are classical Chinese, Sanskrit, Arabic, Greek, and Latin. In comparison with these even such culturally important languages as Hebrew and French sink into a secondary position. It is a little disappointing to learn that the general cultural influence of English has so far been all but negligible. The English language itself is spreading because the English have colonized immense territories. But there is nothing to show that it is anywhere entering into the lexical heart of other languages as French has colored the English complexion or as Arabic has permeated Persian and Turkish. This fact alone is significant of the power of nationalism, cultural as well as political, during the last century. There are now psychological resistances to borrowing, or rather to new sources of borrowing, 2 that were not greatly alive in the Middle Ages or during the Renaissance. 2
Are there resistances of a more intimate nature to the borrowing of words? It is generally assumed that the nature and extent of borrowing depend entirely on the historical facts of culture relation; that if German, for instance, has borrowed less copiously than English from Latin and French it is only because Germany has had less intimate relations than England with the culture spheres of classical Rome and France. This is true to a considerable extent, but it is not the whole truth. We must not exaggerate the physical importance of the Norman invasion nor underrate the significance of the fact that Germany’s central geographical position made it peculiarly sensitive to French influences all through the Middle Ages, to humanistic influences in the latter fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, and again to the powerful French influences of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It seems very probable that the psychological attitude of the borrowing language itself towards linguistic material has much to do with its receptivity to foreign words. English has long been striving for the completely unified, unanalyzed word, regardless of whether it is monosyllabic or polysyllabic. Such words as credible, certitude, intangible are entirely welcome in English because each represents a unitary, well-nuanced idea and because their formal analysis (cred-ible, certitude, in-tang-ible) is not a necessary act of the unconscious mind (cred-, cert-, and tang- have no real existence in English comparable to that of good- in goodness). A word like intangible, once it is acclimated, is nearly as simple a psychological entity as any radical monosyllable (say vague, thin, grasp). In German, however, polysyllabic words strive to analyze themselves into significant elements. Hence vast numbers of French and Latin words, borrowed at the height of certain cultural influences, could not maintain themselves in the language. Latin-German words like kredibel “credible” and French-German words like reussieren “to succeed” offered nothing that the unconscious mind could assimilate to its customary method of feeling and handling words. It is as though this unconscious mind said: “I am perfectly willing to accept kredibel if you will just tell me what you mean by kred-.” Hence German has generally found it easier to create new words out of its own resources, as the necessity for them arose. 3
The psychological contrast between English and German as regards the treatment of foreign material is a contrast that may be studied in all parts of the world. The Athabaskan languages of America are spoken by peoples that have had astonishingly varied cultural contacts, yet nowhere do we find that an Athabaskan dialect has borrowed at all freely 3 from a neighboring language. These languages have always found it easier to create new words by compounding afresh elements ready to hand. They have for this reason been highly resistant to receiving the linguistic impress of the external cultural experiences of their speakers. Cambodgian and Tibetan offer a highly instructive contrast in their reaction to Sanskrit influence. Both are analytic languages, each totally different from the highly-wrought, inflective language of India. Cambodgian is isolating, but, unlike Chinese, it contains many polysyllabic words whose etymological analysis does not matter. Like English, therefore, in its relation to French and Latin, it welcomed immense numbers of Sanskrit loan-words, many of which are in common use to-day. There was no psychological resistance to them. Classical Tibetan literature was a slavish adaptation of Hindu Buddhist literature and nowhere has Buddhism implanted itself more firmly than in Tibet, yet it is strange how few Sanskrit words have found their way into the language. Tibetan was highly resistant to the polysyllabic words of Sanskrit because they could not automatically fall into significant syllables, as they should have in order to satisfy the Tibetan feeling for form. Tibetan was therefore driven to translating the great majority of these Sanskrit words into native equivalents. The Tibetan craving for form was satisfied, though the literally translated foreign terms must often have done violence to genuine Tibetan idiom. Even the proper names of the Sanskrit originals were carefully translated, element for element, into Tibetan; e.g., Suryagarbha “Sun-bosomed” was carefully Tibetanized into Nyi-mai snying-po “Sun-of heart-the, the heart (or essence) of the sun.” The study of how a language reacts to the presence of foreign words—rejecting them, translating them, or freely accepting them—may throw much valuable light in its innate formal tendencies. 4
The borrowing of foreign words always entails their phonetic modification. There are sure to be foreign sounds or accentual peculiarities that do not fit the native phonetic habits. They are then so changed as to do as little violence as possible to these habits. Frequently we have phonetic compromises. Such an English word as the recently introduced camouflage, as now ordinarily pronounced, corresponds to the typical phonetic usage of neither English nor French. The aspirated k, the obscure vowel of the second syllable, the precise quality of the l and of the last a, and, above all, the strong accent on the first syllable, are all the results of unconscious assimilation to our English habits of pronunciation. They differentiate our camouflage clearly from the same word as pronounced by the French. On the other hand, the long, heavy vowel in the third syllable and the final position of the “zh” sound (like z in azure) are distinctly un-English, just as, in Middle English, the initial j and v 4 must have been felt at first as not strictly in accord with English usage, though the strangeness has worn off by now. In all four of these cases—initial j, initial v, final “zh,” and unaccented a of father—English has not taken on a new sound but has merely extended the use of an old one. 5
Occasionally a new sound is introduced, but it is likely to melt away before long. In Chaucer’s day the old Anglo-Saxon ü (written y) had long become unrounded to i, but a new set of ü-vowels had come in from the French (in such words as due, value, nature). The new ü did not long hold its own; it became diphthongized to iu and was amalgamated with the native iw of words like new and slew. Eventually this diphthong appears as yu, with change of stress—dew (from Anglo-Saxon deaw) like due (Chaucerian dü). Facts like these show how stubbornly a language resists radical tampering with its phonetic pattern. 6
Nevertheless, we know that languages do influence each other in phonetic respects, and that quite aside from the taking over of foreign sounds with borrowed words. One of the most curious facts that linguistics has to note is the occurrence of striking phonetic parallels in totally unrelated or very remotely related languages of a restricted geographical area. These parallels become especially impressive when they are seen contrastively from a wide phonetic perspective. Here are a few examples. The Germanic languages as a whole have not developed nasalized vowels. Certain Upper German (Suabian) dialects, however, have now nasalized vowels in lieu of the older vowel + nasal consonant (n). Is it only accidental that these dialects are spoken in proximity to French, which makes abundant use of nasalized vowels? Again, there are certain general phonetic features that mark off Dutch and Flemish in contrast, say, to North German and Scandinavian dialects. One of these is the presence of unaspirated voiceless stops (p, t, k), which have a precise, metallic quality reminiscent of the corresponding French sounds, but which contrast with the stronger, aspirated stops of English, North German, and Danish. Even if we assume that the unaspirated stops are more archaic, that they are the unmodified descendants of the old Germanic consonants, is it not perhaps a significant historical fact that the Dutch dialects, neighbors of French, were inhibited from modifying these consonants in accordance with what seems to have been a general Germanic phonetic drift? Even more striking than these instances is the peculiar resemblance, in certain special phonetic respects, of Russian and other Slavic languages to the unrelated Ural-Altaic languages 5 of the Volga region. The peculiar, dull vowel, for instance, known in Russian as “yeri” 6 has Ural-Altaic analogues, but is entirely wanting in Germanic, Greek, Armenian, and Indo-Iranian, the nearest Indo-European congeners of Slavic. We may at least suspect that the Slavic vowel is not historically unconnected with its Ural-Altaic parallels. One of the most puzzling cases of phonetic parallelism is afforded by a large number of American Indian languages spoken west of the Rockies. Even at the most radical estimate there are at least four totally unrelated linguistic stocks represented in the region from southern Alaska to central California. Nevertheless all, or practically all, the languages of this immense area have some important phonetic features in common. Chief of these is the presence of a “glottalized” series of stopped consonants of very distinctive formation and of quite unusual acoustic effect. 7 In the northern part of the area all the languages, whether related or not, also possess various voiceless l-sounds and a series of “velar” (backguttural) stopped consonants which are etymologically distinct from the ordinary k-series. It is difficult to believe that three such peculiar phonetic features as I have mentioned could have evolved independently in neighboring groups of languages. 7
How are we to explain these and hundreds of similar phonetic convergences? In particular cases we may really be dealing with archaic similarities due to a genetic relationship that it is beyond our present power to demonstrate. But this interpretation will not get us far. It must be ruled entirely out of court, for instance, in two of the three European examples I have instanced; both nasalized vowels and the Slavic “yeri” are demonstrably of secondary origin in Indo-European. However we envisage the process in detail, we cannot avoid the inference that there is a tendency for speech sounds or certain distinctive manners of articulation to spread over a continuous area in somewhat the same way that elements of culture ray out from a geographical center. We may suppose that individual variations arising at linguistic borderlands—whether by the unconscious suggestive influence of foreign speech habits or by the actual transfer of foreign sounds into the speech of bilingual individuals—have gradually been incorporated into the phonetic drift of a language. So long as its main phonetic concern is the preservation of its sound patterning, not of its sounds as such, there is really no reason why a language may not unconsciously assimilate foreign sounds that have succeeded in working their way into its gamut of individual variations, provided always that these new variations (or reinforced old variations) are in the direction of the native drift. 8
A simple illustration will throw light on this conception. Let us suppose that two neighboring and unrelated languages, A and B, each possess voiceless l-sounds (compare Welsh ll). We surmise that this is not an accident. Perhaps comparative study reveals the fact that in language A the voiceless l-sounds correspond to a sibilant series in other related languages, that an old alternation s: sh has been shifted to the new alternation l (voiceless): s. 8 Does it follow that the voiceless l of language B has had the same history? Not in the least. Perhaps B has a strong tendency toward audible breath release at the end of a word, so that the final l, like a final vowel, was originally followed by a marked aspiration. Individuals perhaps tended to anticipate a little the voiceless release and to “unvoice” the latter part of the final l-sound (very much as the l of English words like felt tends to be partly voiceless in anticipation of the voicelessness of the t). Yet this final l with its latent tendency to unvoicing might never have actually developed into a fully voiceless l had not the presence of voiceless l-sounds in A acted as an unconscious stimulus or suggestive push toward a more radical change in the line of B’s own drift. Once the final voiceless l emerged, its alternation in related words with medial voiced l is very likely to have led to its analogical spread. The result would be that both A and B have an important phonetic trait in common. Eventually their phonetic systems, judged as mere assemblages of sounds, might even become completely assimilated to each other, though this is an extreme case hardly ever realized in practice. The highly significant thing about such phonetic interinfluencings is the strong tendency of each language to keep its phonetic pattern intact. So long as the respective ali
二、巧克力最贵的是什么
最贵的巧克力如下：
1、Le Chocolat Box
详细介绍：Le Chocolat Box是目前世界上最昂贵的巧克力，这款巧克力售价这么贵，是因为它的材料中融入了特殊的钻石，过程也都是纯手工的方式。
2、Frrrozen Haute Chocolate
详细介绍：这款巧克力属于高端甜点，它里面融入了许多其他的材料，在一些定价的餐厅中是可以制作的。
3、Golden Speckled Egg
详细介绍：这款巧克力的造型看起来就非常的奢侈，金光闪闪的，属于全球限量款，是世界上最贵的十大巧克力之一。
4、Swarovski Studded Chocolates
详细介绍：这款巧克力可以说是颜值爆表，包装上面镶嵌了花朵，下面的托盘为金箔制作，既有颜值味道还好，价格也非常昂贵。
5、Knipschildt Chocolatier
详细介绍：这款巧克力虽然包装方面没有特比的豪华，但是里面的选材以及制作方式都是经过了无数次实验的，口感超级丝滑，可可的味道很浓郁。
三、比较出名的巧克力品牌有哪些
中国十大巧克力榜中榜
1 德芙巧克力 (中国驰名商标,中国巧克力第一品牌)
2 金帝巧克力 (中国名牌,中国巧克力领导品牌)
3 费列罗巧克力 (开始于1946年意大利，享誉盛名的跨国集团)
4 慕纱巧克力
5 金莎巧克力 (中国名牌，开始于1984年，世界品牌)
6 明治巧克力 (日本品牌，世界品牌)
7 吉百利巧克力 (英国，全球最大的糖果公司之一，世界品牌)
8 乐可可ROCOCO巧克力 (美国，世界品牌)
9 怡浓巧克力 (知名品牌)
10 申丰巧克力 (上海名牌，巧克力知名品牌)
世界十大巧克力品牌榜中榜
1 SWISS THINS瑞士莲 (1845年比利时/第一块入口即能融化qkl)
2 GUYLIAN吉利莲 (比利时王室授予金质奖章的巧克力品牌)
3 FERRERO ROCHER费列罗 (开始于1946年意大利，跨国集团)
4 MAXINM"S马克西姆 (法国)
5 DUCD'O 迪克多 (比利时)
6 KINDER BUENQ 建达缤纷乐 (意大利 )
7 DCOSLE多利是 (比利时 )
8 M&M's巧克力 (于1941年西班牙，世界品牌)
9 BELGIAN白丽人 (比利时)
10 TOFFKFEE乐飞飞 (德国最大的巧克力生产商)
世界知名巧克力品牌榜中榜
国际著名的巧克力品牌榜中榜：
RITTER SPORT运动排块,
Storckriesen太妃巧克力，
日本Meltykiss明治雪吻，
LOACKER意大利莱家，
MOOMICN CANDY日本木铭新，
MORCNAGA日本森永 ，
COTE D'OR 比利时
克特多金象，澳大利亚PATON’S巧克力，
奥地利莫扎特(mozart)巧克力，
西班牙帕斯卡布丁巧克力(Pascual chocolate pudding)，
意大利巴拉荻和米兰诺(Baratti & Milano)，
瑞典Marabou，
英国梅费尔的本狄克斯(Bendicks of Mayfair)，
法国德菲丝，Asbach，Feodora，Sarotti，Heilemann
四、世界知名巧克力品牌有哪些？
巧克力品牌排行榜-世界十大巧克力品牌
Top1 瑞士瑞士莲巧克力（SWISS THINS， Lindt）
被公认为世界巧克力中的极品! 生产出了世界首块入口即能溶化的巧克力．种类繁多．绝对是巧克力中的＂教父＂级人物．然而因为名气太大，所以价格也是其他品种的1倍以上..这是在国内少有的99%的哦 中国人钟爱的纯黑巧克力，瑞士莲 你不得不尝试一下 ，要不然你会后悔的哦
Top2 比利时＂吉利莲＂巧克力（GUYLIAN）
唯一被比利时王室授予金质奖章的巧克力品牌．有＂巧克力王国中的至尊＂之称．
TOP3 奥地利莫扎特(Mozart)巧克力
纯手工制造,放在室温下极易溶化,滋味甜美,浓香馥郁品质好,价格同样不菲.普通OL比较难接受.
TOP4 德国Ritter Sport巧克力
共有15种口味,包括:蛋白杏仁,巧克力,葡萄榛子,朗姆酒味,阿尔卑斯等.尤其酸奶夹心的那一款,口味比较清淡,强力推荐给不喜欢太甜的Lady..
TOP5 意大利费列罗Ferrero巧克力
裹满巧克力碎果仁,薄薄的威化,浓郁的软巧克力和榛子,带来多重口感的享受,细腻柔滑口感充满了意大利风情.从里到外一共有三层,号称"三种滋味" ..（这种国内很常见）
TOP6 比利时的Duc'D'o(迪克多)巧克力
产品种类有:雅致综合巧克力,及星座心形巧克力,黑松露巧克力.吮指回味..
TOP7 日本的明治雪吻巧克力
这是日本巧克力中品质很不错的一款,口感很不错.松软香滑跟"德菲丝"的感觉差不多.日本巧克力比较适合亚洲人的口味.不会太甜,比较爽口..
TOP8 瑞士原产的 TOBLERONE 三角系列巧克力
这是著名食品公司 KRAFT Foods 的王牌产品。TOBLERONE 三角系列已经行销世界100 多个国家，有超过 130 年以上的悠久历史..
TOP9德国慕斯（merci）巧克力
德国产的巧克力以优良的品质和纯正香甜的美味闻名世界，“AUGUST STORCK”公司出品的merci品牌巧克力更是经典中的经典..
TOP10 比利时的白丽人巧克力BELGIAN
最著名的是其海洋贝壳系列..
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